Bali Aga and the Ancient Ceremony

The Pura Tuluk Biyu, an ancient temple perched spectacularly on the rim of the Batur Crater in Kintamani, was the venue of an equally spectacular round of ceremonies called the Madewasraya, held once every five years to maintain peace and harmony through prayer and dance. As with most Balinese ceremonies, foreigners were a highly visible presence, whether long-term residents in full ceremonial dress, or tourists wearing cheap sarungs purchased from a street hawker outside the temple. But this ceremony offered a novel sight: Indonesian-speaking foreigners wearing badges identifying them as organization staff members. On seeing this, one Balinese visitor from Denpasar remarked, with undisguised contempt, "this is just what you would expect from the Bali Aga."

Literally meaning "Mountain Balinese," but in common usage taking on a meaning closer to "hillbillies," the term "Bali Aga" is used to describe the inhabitants of around a hundred villages, most — but not all — located in the central highlands. Tourist guidebooks generally describe the Bali Aga as "hostile, scruffy hustlers" who make life miserable for visitors trying to enjoy the refreshing climate of Lake Batur. Stories abound of boatmen renegotiating the charter fee in the middle of the lake, of tourists returning to the car park to find their spark plugs removed and held for ransom, and of assaults on foreigners who attempt to climb Mount Batur without an overpriced local guide. The heartland Balinese tend to hold an equally dim view, regarding their mountain-dwelling fellows as an "uncultured" people practicing "primitive" rituals such as "sky-burials," where a corpse is left to decompose on the open ground.

Those who spend more than few hours among the Bali Aga soon discover that nothing could be further from the truth. A guest in a highland home will experience kindness and generosity exceptional even on an island having a global reputation for heartfelt hospitality. Australian anthropologist Thomas Reuter, who lived among the highland Balinese for several years researching his doctoral thesis, maintains that Bali supported a flourishing Hindu culture long before the large-scale conversion to Islam undermined the power of the Hindu courts and sent the nobles, priests, and artisans of neighboring Java eastward in search of greener rice fields. Reuter asserts that the Bali Aga, far from being a "lesser breed" unable to assimilate into the high civilization of the Javanese newcomers, actually constituted a sophisticated society whose members saw no advantage in adopting effete Javanese court culture, as did their lowland brethren. The inhabitants of these communities refer to themselves as the "Bali Mula," the original Balinese, noting that the first records in the region date from 112 AD, over a millennium before the arrival of the Javanese Hindus.

Though often held in thinly disguised contempt, the Bali Mula fill an important niche role in Balinese society. The title of Reuter's book about his experiences, Custodians of the Sacred Mountains, reflects that some of the holiest locations and temples in Bali are located in the domain of the Bali Mula. Unfortunately, the position of most Bali Mula communities on the fringes of Bali's tourist-driven economy means that available funds are seldom sufficient for maintenance of these holy sites, or to mount the lavish ceremonies mandated by the Bali Hindu religion.
The Bali Mula feel that this point was demonstrated in 2001, when the custodians of the Tuluk Biyu temple did not have the funds to mount the Madewasraya ceremony, whose five-day cycle fell during that year. Many believe that the omission of this ceremony precipitated the first Bali Bomb and subsequent misfortunes. This year, however, when the Madewasraya was again due, help came from an unsuspected quarter. A foreigner with a keen interest in Bali Hinduism visited Tuluk Bayu, saw the temple's state of disrepair and offered his assistance. The subsequent cooperation between the people of Kintamani and foreign donors represented a partnership between the "Bali Aga" and another of Bali's many tribes, the "Bule Aga." This half-jocular term refers to resident foreigners whose have lived more-or-less permanently in Bali for decades, and are knowledgeable about Balinese society, religion and culture, and often converts to Bali Hinduism. Many Bule Aga have been pioneers in fields such as designing and exporting custom jewelry and handicrafts. Others have written the words and taken the photos that have brought the charms of Bali to the world's coffee tables. While some, admittedly, are aging hippies scraping by in a distorted market where even minimal artistic or professional skills can ensure survival, most of the Bule Aga have made significant contributions to the development of their adoptive home.

The future Bule Aga, arriving as young hippies or surfers in the late 1960s, found themselves living in a subsistence economy where the essentials of life were either grown, made, or bartered for. But industrial development and the growing tourist economy were creating a demand for commercial goods and services requiring cash. After a few unsuccessful attempts to pay the electricity bill with a couple of live roosters, Balinese looked to the growing numbers of foreigners living in
their midst for the cash they needed. Through his or her ability to conjure fistfuls of rupiah on demand, a resident foreigner who took care to observe relevant social etiquette and to show respect for religious and cultural traditions assumed a respected position in the community as a person of nominally low status who nonetheless provides an essential service -- like, for example, a blacksmith.

A new generation of Balinese possessing the ability – albeit to varying degrees -- to acquire and manage money has made the role of Bule Aga as "cash cows" somewhat redundant. But their contribution to the reconstruction of Tuluk Biyu and underwriting the nineteen day Madewasraya ceremony harked back to the days when many Bule Aga were, indeed, "blessed providers of rupiah." Canvassing the expatriate community, including a well-publicized fundraiser at a suburban sports club, raised almost 60 million. Though this constituted only a small fraction of the combined Rp.900 million budget for the ceremony and temple reconstruction — the bulk coming from regional governments, Indonesian businesses and raffle ticket sales — the action has caused an inordinate amount of controversy.

A full-page ad in the local expatriate community newspaper publicizing the fundraiser, and the highly visible presence of foreigners with "committee member" badges at the ceremony, raised considerable ire. Some local commentators fretted that the next logical step would advertising banners to be erected during temple ceremonies by the sponsoring companies.
These tirades were eerily reminiscent of warnings in the 1930s that Balinese dancing for tourists in hotels presaged the demise of the island's unique culture. The Balinese, of course, neatly accommodated the needs of both deities and tourists by declaring that the same dance could be either worshipful or entertaining depending on the venue and context. The success of the Madewasraya ceremony – following the concluding rituals dozens of participants fell into trance, believed to be a clear indication that the gods have been appeased – is an encouraging sign that the over-enthusiastic contributions by foreigners did not detract from the essential sacredness of the ceremony. It did demonstrate the two communities on the periphery of heartland Bali, the Bali Aga and the Bule Aga, can cooperate for the benefit of their respective ancestral and adoptive homes.

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